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How Baghdad plans to rein in Iran

Dismantling pro-Iranian armed factions operating in Iraq under the umbrella of the Iranian Militias in Iraq and Syria (IMIS) and integrating its fighters with independent volunteers within the same body is at the heart of Prime Minister Adil Abd al-Mahdi’s plan to institutionalize the IMIS and limit Iran’s control over its fighters.

The drive to “restructure and reorganize” the IMIS’s forces is Abd al-Mahdi’s response to pressure from powerful Shiite cleric Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who sees these factions as a threat to the political process and a tool to undermine the authority of the state.

Sistani, global head of the Shiite community and the most revered cleric in Iraq, has been the sponsor of the political process since the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled former President Saddam Hussein — and the only one who can end it with one word.

IMIS was created by former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in July 2014 to provide a government umbrella for armed factions and volunteers who fought ISIS alongside the government. It is comprised of at least 150,000 fighters, mostly Shiites.

Armed Shiite factions, including Iranian-backed groups such as the Badr Organization, Kata’ib Hezbollah-Iraq and Asa’ib Ahl Al-Haq — the most powerful in terms of numbers and equipment — are the backbone of IMIS and have played a pivotal role in defeating ISIS. However, they have been accused of atrocities against Sunnis and of being tools to pressure the government for illegal financial and political gain.

Under a law passed in 2016, IMIS's duties are determined by the commander-in-chief of the Iraqi armed forces, but the reality is that most of the factions are not subject to the orders of the Iraqi government and do not report to Iraqi military authorities.

Restructuring these factions and integrating their fighters with independent volunteers would dilute their power and prevent their commanders from taking advantage of the IMIS’s financial and human resources, IMIS commanders close to Sistani told Arab News.

“We want the decisions of IMIS to be Iraqi, and not to use their forces to implement an Iranian agenda,” one said.“IMIS must be institutionalized and subordinated to the regular military organization’s controls. IMIS must not be stronger than the army under any circumstances.”

The plan was prepared by a committee formed by Abd al-Mahdi and led by Lt. Gen. Abdul Amir Yarallah, commander of joint military operations. The other members are Abu Montadher al-Husseini, commander of IMIS operations,and Hamed Al-Shatri, deputy head of the National Security Service and administrative assistant to the IMIS head. There are three stages: A decree outlining the proposals, approval of the organizational structure, and the settlement of salaries. The decree was issued on July 1, and salaries have been agreed upon.

“The first and third stages have been implemented because we have been working on this since last year, and work is underway to implement the second stage, which is the most difficult,” one of Abd al-Mahdi’s security advisers told Arab News. “The signs so far are that all the factions are responding positively, but we don’t feel comfortable. The real situation will not be be clear until at least July 30.”

Creating a new organizational structure begins with dismantling the brigades of each armed faction. “The core of the idea is to end the factions by dismantling their brigades and forming new ones, each of which will contain fighters from different factions along with independent fighters, taking into account the sectarian and ethnic balance,” a leading commander involved in the process told Arab News.

“This is the most difficult step, because the factions associated with Iran are trying to circumvent it by accepting all the proposals except those that require the dissolution of their brigades and the integration of their fighters with others,” he added.

“Everything depends on this step. It will mean reducing the risk of these factions by 80 percent, which is what Sistani wants,” he continued.

Under the new salary settlement, which is already in operation, each fighter receives his salary directly from government banks using Q Cards, a form of electronic payment. Previously, unit commanders received and distributed salaries, a system that reinforced their control of the fighters and was open to widespread corruption.

“We discovered thousands of spacemen (fake fighters) who were either expelled, left or lost during the fighting, but their names were not removed from the payroll, so their commanders continued to receive their salaries,” Abd al-Mahdi’s adviser said.

“We also found that most of the fighters were not getting their full salaries because the faction leaders were using the cash to fund their own fighters and activities outside IMIS,” he added.

The plan will also curb the powers of some IMIS leaders and remove others, with the aim of limiting Iran’s influence. At the top of that list is Jamal Jaafar, also known as Abu Mahdi al-Mohandes, or “the Engineer,” deputy IMIS head but de facto commander of its forces. Mohandes, 65, was sentenced to death in his absence by a court in Kuwait for his role in deadly bombings there in 1983. He has been designated a terrorist by the US, and he is close to Qasem Soleimani, commander of the Quds Force of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The organizational restructuring requires that current IMIS head Faleh al-Fayadh, also head of Iraq's National Security Service and known as “Iran’s man in Iraq”, retain his roles in return for appointing Mohandes chief of staff and vice-chairman of IMIS —  but stripped of any financial or administrative authority. In addition, Abu Zainab al-Lami will be moved from his role as the manager of IMIS security to become a deputy to the Interior Minister, and Abu Montadher al-Husseini will become a secretary-general for Abd al-Mahdi.

These moves resulted in a heated dispute between Mohandes and Fayyad, three prominent IMIS commanders told Arab News. However, Ayatollah Sistani’s insistence on “trimming the nails of Mohandes” and reducing Iran’s influence on IMIS “forced everyone to accept the settlement.”

“Mohandes represents the biggest challenge to Abd al-Mahdi’s plan because he works without laws or regulations, so he had to be dealt with calmly, transferring the battle from outside the body to inside, between Mohandes and Fayyad.”

“Limiting Mohandes’s authority is great progress compared to before, when all the authority was exclusively in his hands, although he was not the head of IMIS.”

Abd al-Mahdi’s adviser said: “All the indications are that Mohandes is a burnt card and that Iran has offered him up as a scapegoat to please Sistani.”

“Iran is in an unenviable position, and it is not in its interest now to provoke Sistani or create any problem leading to a new front that may end its influence in Iraq.”

Most of the influential Shiite armed factions have publicly announced their acceptance of the new structure, except for Kata’ib Hezbollah; they want the inclusion of Kurdish Peshmerga forces, armed groups linked to the Kurdish leaders, and the Sunni tribes linked exclusively to US troops in Iraq. The structure also requires the disclosure of the names of fighters, their leaders, and their real addresses, which does not sit well with Kata’ib Hezbollah’s usual secrecy. However, an IMIS commander close to Soleimani said all factions would be subject to the structure, including Kata’ib Hezbollah, adding that there would be intensive meetings in the coming days to agree on the details.

“There is great pressure on the prime minister from Sistani and the Americans to rein in the factions and control them,” a prominent IMIS commander close to Soleimani told Arab News.

“The regional and international challenges are great, and it is not in the interests of Iran or Iraq that any Iranian-backed faction act against the will of the Iraqi government.”
Last Modified: Sunday، 14 July 2019 08:44 PM
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